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Per Aspera Ad Veritatem n.11
The Roman Secret Service

William. G. SINNIGEN



The term "secret service" has several definitions. It can mean the detective service of government, a police force concerned with the internal security of the state, and when used to describe an institution of the Roman Empire, it may thus suggest the image of an ancient Gestapo, NKVD, or FBI. Actually, the resemblance between the Roman internal security police force and its modern counterparts, while close in some important particulars, is by no means complete. Accordingly, the expression "secret service" should be conceived as a convenient, if not perfectly descriptive, label for an ancient institution which has no exact modern parallel.
A secret service developed rather late in Roman history for several reasons. First of all, the idea of a permanent, highly organized agency of this nature was foreign to principles of city-state government common to classical Greece and republican Rome. In the absence of an attorney general's office, both the Greeks and early Romans preferred to rely on citizen informers and prosecutors to reveal threats aganist the state. (1) The Spartans, it is true, had a secret service of sorts, the krypteia, but that was a by-product of the unique problem posed by helotry. (2) Of greater interest than the krypteia is the Persian intelligence agency, "the eyes and ears of the King", a true detective service which attracted the attention and admiration, but not the emulation, of the Greeks. (3) It might be expected that the Romans, faced by the second century B.C. with the problem of governing distant provinces like the Persians before them, should have borrowed or discovered such a centralizing institution. They did not, partly because the absolutism inherent in a secret service ran counter to ideals of government by senatorial oligarchy, partly because the bureaucracy, of which any sophisticated secret service is but a function, was still in an embryonic stage of development. (4)
It is significant that the first prototypes of the Roman secret service appeared in the period of civil wars which destroyed the Republic during the last century of its existence. During that era, warring dynasts turned to trusted soldiers, sometimes chosen from their private military entourage or praetorian guard, to ferret out information and, as officers of arrest or execution to do the "dirty work" that one might expect of a secret police. (5)
Even before his accession to sole power, Augustus was well versed in the use of trusted personnel on such missions. (6) It was characteristic of Augustus, as self-proclaimed restorer of the Republic and as princeps, that he masked imperial absolutism, and so it is not surprising that little knowledge has survived of practices protecting the security of the state and of its chief during his reign. It seems certain, however, that Augustus and his successors during the first century of the Empire did not rely on any one agency in particular to detect and to expose subversion.
They used informers - delatores - to reveal a wide range of crimes, real and imagined. (7) One should perhaps stress that the Romans throughout their history made great use of informers and that they became an important supplement to an institutionalized secret service. Delation is a constant factor in the history of internal security not only during the Republic, but throughout both the Principate and Late Empire. In addition to informers, the first emperors used efficiently the praetorian guard, especially its centurions and tribunes, to act as plain-clothes men and to arrest those accused of treason. (8) Sometimes they depended upon highly placed freedmen at court or on provincial procurators to gather confidential information. (9)
The agency that was to deserve the title of secret service first came into existence at some time shortly before A.D.100, and one may with some confidence attribute its foundation to Domitian. (10) The Roman secret service probably developed out of a basic reform instituted by Domitian in the "G-4" or supply section of the imperial general staff - the praetorium - and involving the use of non-commissioned officers and some centurions. Stated simply, the Roman secret service was staffed by supply sergeants whose original functions had been the purchase for and distribution to the troops of grain - frumentum - whence their name, frumentarii. (11) It seems probable that frumentarii or their prototypes had been serving on the headquartes staffs of governors-general even before Domitian's reign, although there is no positive evidence that this was the case. Commentators assume that they were on the move on logistical assignments at an early date, and that they were in constant touch not only with the army and bureaucracy, but with the provincial population as well. Hence they were in an excellent position to observe and to report on all kinds of situations of interest to the government. Domitian was probably the first to recognize that they could be an excellent liaison between the provinces and the general staff at the capital, and to detach some of them from their legionary headquarters for temporary duty as couriers in the service of "G-4" at Rome. He probably founded for them, and for other non-commissioned officers similarly seconded from the provinces, a special transient billet and base of operations on the Caelian hill, the castra peregrinorum. (12) The frumentarii who were thus placed for a time at the disposal of the central government were still carried on the strength of their provincial legions, even though they had been shifted into a different chain of command. Their headquarters at Rome was commanded by a senior centurion, the princeps peregrinorum, who was responsible directly to the emperor, or, in his place, to the praetorian prefecture. (13)
The frumentarii, soldiers like many early imperial bureaucrats, were perfectly integrated into the Roman military establishment by virtue of their recruitment, careers, and functions. If any fairly close parallel is to be drawn between them and any modern American institution, it is to be found in the organization, if not in the duties, of Military Intelligence rather than in the FBI. Although of unusual importance to the central government, they tended to blend into Roman military administration, in which their position appears to the modern observer deceptively routine.
It is sometimes stated that these agents were recruited exclusively from the western provinces, at least before the Severan dynasty, the implication being that they were "more Roman", more suited to employment as centralizers of the government, perhaps as some sort of elite corps or Roman SS. (14) Such a view rests on a basic misconception of Roman military and administrative policy and is demonstrably false. (15) All legions sent frumentarii to Rome for special duty; for this reason, the frumentarii may be regarded from the point of view of their recruitment as a typical microcosm of the imperial non-commissioned officers' cadre. Like the legionaries in general, the frumentarii of the second and third centuries tended to be recruited locally by the various provincial garrisons. (16) They ranged from men of lowly origin and of possibly doubtful Latinity and Romanizations (17) to the sons of the municipal middle classes who possessed much higher standards of culture and education. (18)
From the point of view of their careers as well as of their recruitment, the frumentarii were typical enlisted men. That is to say, they had very little chance of rising high in the military or administrative hierarchy. (19) Some held other administrative posts as non-commissioned officers before death or retirement; (20) some reached the centurionate, (21) but few of them who rose from the ranks were promoted into the equestrian hierarchy of office-holding. The chances for speedier advancement were greater if a man had been commissioned a centurion directly upon recruitment and had served as frumentarius in that rank. In such a case fast advancement probably depended more on his having begun as a centurion at an early age than on his having been employed in the secret service. (22) Even with the advantage of original recruitment as a centurio frumentarius, one could not look forward to ending one's career as more than an equestrian governor of some fairly small and insignificant province, albeit at an excellent sal
ary. (23) Only during the Severan dynasty do former secret service agents, and these rather few, attain the highest honors as praetorian prefects, senators, or even, in one case, as consular colleague of the emperor. (24) Such promotion was regarded by contemporaries as unusual and scandalous. (25) Plainly, then, a career in the secret service was not necessarily more promising than any other for the Roman non-commissioned officer.
No table of military strength and organization has survived to indicate how many of these agents were on the rolls of each legion. It was once thought that a typical governor's staff contained only one frumentarius, but such a view is unattested by the sources and is improbable. (26) An estimate of their number can be made, since the approximate size of legionary staffs is known, as well as the number of various other military bureaucrats serving on them. (27) In the second century A.D. each legion probably supplied something on the order of five or ten frumentarii, which would give a total strength in the provinces and on duty at the capital of about two hundred men. (28) This number need not have been static, and an increase may be posited for the third century as the central government was increasingly preoccupied in areas where the frumentarii could render invaluable service: communication, supply and taxation, and internal security.
The Roman army in general and its secret service in particular regarded the state highway network with its way and posting stations, the military supply and taxation systems, which depended on the roads, and the various military posts which guarded them and the surrounding countryside as an integrated unit. (29) It is not surprising, therefore, to discover that the three basic duties of the secret service were those of couriers, tax collectors, and policemen. There is positive evidence that the frumentarii, as couriers bearing all kinds of messages to and from the central government, were among the most important users of the state highways. As such, they could requisition horses, carriages, lodging, and supplies which were at the disposal of officials on state business. (30) As couriers they resembled superficially the "eyes and ears" of the Persian Great King; the resemblance stems from an administrative need common to both the Persian and Roman Empires and probably does not suggest institutional borrowing by the Romans from their oriental predecessors.
The evidence connecting them with the collection of taxes, especially those in kind, is less explicit. I believe that they were always basically responsible for procuring grain for military uses, a duty that increased in importance in the third century A.D., as the Empire, in an era of monetary inflation, systematized collections in kind. (31) Ultimately they were concerned as well with the regulation of the grain supply of the city of Rome; they had permanent posts at Portus, where they worked with the Prefect of the Urban Grain Supply, and along the Appian Way to the grain port of Puteoli. (32) They may also have enforced collection of taxes in coin on certain professions and of customs duties along and within imperial frontiers. (33) Such activities would have justified the epithet kollectiones - "revenuers" - applied to them and to their associates by Greek-speaking provincials of the early third century. (34) Accordingly, their activity as internal security police was not their only important service in the interests of administrative centralization, even though it may be the one that immediately arrests the attention of the modern observer.
It cannot be stated categorically that their corps began serving as a secret service agency immediately upon its foundation. Certainly by the first quarter of the second century the frumentarii were spies in the service of the central government, and it is tempting to suppose that their potential use in this capacity should not long have escaped the attention of a ruthless or efficient emperor, like Domitian himself. The first emperor known to have used them as detectives was Hadrian, who put them to work spying on the imperial court. (35) Evidence which shows them acting as spies is rather extensive from the late second and early third centuries. At that time, no class, high or low, could escape their prying. Prominent generals and senators as well as lowly Christians were particular objects of attention for the frumentarii. (36) In Rome itself, they appear to have worked closely with the urban police force. (37) In addition to investigating and arresting, they were commissioned to carry out political assassinations. (38) As detectives, the unofficial epithet, curiosi - "snoops" or "busybodies" - was probably applied to them by about A.D.200. (39) The ways in which they did their sleuthing remain obscure. Romans were familiar with the use of plain-clothes men and agents provocateurs; even though no source states specifically that frumentarii were so used, one may imagine that they were, when entrusted with delicate and confidential assignments. (40) There is, however, definite evidence that in certain capacities, especially as bureaucrats and couriers, their presence was not hidden but rather revealed clearly and intentionally by the uniforms they wore and by the characteristic ensigns they carried. (41) It is interesting that imperial government occasionally advertised the presence of these representatives of authority and centralization in order to remind its subjects forcibly that they owed its agents the respect due the majesty of Rome itself.
In addition to their main duties, many miscellaneous activities were assigned to the frumentarii, some of which had little or no bearing on internal security. They were occasionally supervisors of public mines and quarries, (42) of prisons, (43) of public works, (44) and, apparently, of mimic spectacles presented on Roman and perhaps provincial stages. (45) Like their successors in the Late Empire, they could be called upon to perform any important task the central government chose to assign them.
Individually, the duties of the frumentarii did not differ markedly from those of certain other military bureaucrats of non-commissioned grades who might also have been called upon occasionally to act as spies, policemen, tax collectors, couriers, building supervisors, etc... (46) In the aggregate, however, the functions of the frumentarii represented something unique and essential and thus set their corps apart from others affiliated with either the provincial or general staffs.
The sources give very little information regarding the character of these agents of the central administration and the attitude of Rome's subjects to them. Inscriptions often testify to their human qualities as loyal friends and as devoted husbands, fathers, and sons. Nevertheless, their duties were not such as to endear them to the population at large. At the lowest echelons of governement, Roman imperial administrators even in the most enlightened periods could be arbitrary, authoritarian, and corrupt, especially where the collection of imperial revenues and the detection of subversion were concerned. Even had the frumentarii all been dedicated and incorruptible men, they were bound to be disliked.
The tempation to exceed their authority was probably great. By the third century at the latest, when they were under increasing pressure from higher echelons to guarantee the flow of revenue in kind and to protect the security of an increasingly impoverished and apparently disintegrating state, they were roundly hated by Rome's subjects. During the Severan dynasty, paeasants in Asia Minor complained bitterly regarding arbitrary arrests and exactions made by these men and their associates. (47) An inscription from the province of Asia honors a centurio frumentarius, who, although he had the opportunity, did not oppress the provincials. (48) We have it on fairly good authority that they were regarded as a plague by the last quarter of the third century. (49) Their snooping had become unbearable, and their general conduct, at least in fiscal matters, resembled that of a plungering army. Commentators during the Late Empire were unanimous in comparing the frumentarii with their successors, the agentes in rebus, (50) who are generally reputed to have been the corrupt minions of a police state. The Roman secret service had to perform tasks both necessary and unpopular; this should not obscure the fact that they represented a rule of law which, in application, was at best often impersonal or arbitrary and at worst inhumane.
The secret service remained an essential institution of government during the Late Empire. It appears that Diocleatian, who is generally credited with "disbanding" the frumentarii, rather reorganized them on a quasi-military basis with a new name, "general agents" - agentes in rebus. (51) This corps performed a wide range of functions almost identical to those of its predecessor. It differed from the frumentarii, however, in several ways. Its recruitment was civilian rather than military, even though the titles of rank applied to the corps, as well as its privileges, were those of field soldiers. Its relation to the central administration was changed in two important ways. The general agents were removed from the jurisdiction of the praetorian prefecture and were placed under a new official of ministerial rank functioning at court, the Master of the Offices. (52) Their activities and careers were coordinated with those of the secretaries serving the imperial Privy Council or Consistory, who formed an important second branch of the internal security organization. (53) The general agents were much more numerous than the frumentarii had been, and their corps included on occasion about twelve hundred men. (54)
Of special interest is the relation of these general agents to certain ministries of state, like the praetorian and urban prefectures. The central goverment of the declining Empire wished the influence of its internal security organization to be pervasive, and thus seconded from the imperial court experienced spies to serve as chiefs of staff in the first echelons of administration and to control superiors and subordinates alike, somewhat in the manner of Soviet Political Commissars. (55) It appears that these agents often co-operated with rather than spied on their superiors, since the latter could patronize them in their careers. However corrupt they may have been, they survived in the government of Ostrogothic Italy in the sixth century, (56) while in the Byzantine Empire they continued to function until the central administration was again reorganized shortly after A.D. 700. (57)
To sum up: the internal security agencies of the Roman Empire deserve the title "secret service" even though their activities included many not necessarily secret or even directly related to the political safety of the state. They were primarly centralizers of administration and as such formed an integral part of early imperial bureaucracy rooted in the military establishment. They represented imperial power in spheres that could affect adversely the lives of Rome's subjects, and eventually they earned the hatred of the Empire. Although reorganized about A.D. 300, the secret service continued to perform its functions in the traditional manner. The fact that this agency lasted for six hundred years illustrates how essential it seemed to the central administration and provides a striking instance of institutional longevity for which imperial government was noted in other fields as well.


(*) This article is the revised form of a paper read December 28, 1960 before the Ancient History session of the American Historical Association.
University of California, Berkeley
(1) See J. O. Lofberg, Sycophancy in Athens (University of Chicago dissertation 1917) and his article "The sycophant-parassite", CP 15 (1920), 61-72, which treats the Hellenistic period. For Republican Rome, see especially Helen Russell, Advancement in rank under the Roman Republic as a reward for the soldier and the public prosecutor (Bryn Mawr dissertation, 1955).
(2) Discussions of the kripteia occur in almost every general treatment of Spartan institutions.See H. Jeanmaire "La cryptie lacédémonienne". REG 26 (1913) 121-150; K.M.T., Ancient Sparta; a re-examination of the evidence (Manchester 1949) 374f. 390; H. Michell, Sparta (Cambridge 1952) 162-164.
(3) Herod 8.97f; Xenophon Cyro. 8.2.10.12; 8.6.16.18; Apuleius Liber de mundo 26. On the Persian postal service in general, see E. Holmberg, Zur Geschichte des Cursus Publicus (Uppsala 1933) 18-21, with the important corrections of H.G. Pfaum "Essai sur le cursus publicus sous le haut-empire romain" MemAcInscr 14 (1940) 192-205.
(4) A. H. M. Jones, "The Roman Civil Service (clerical and sub-clerical grades)", JRS 39 (1949), 38-42, has most recently commented on the character of early Roman bureaucracy.
(5) See the evidence collected by Wolfgang Riepl, Das Nachrichtenwesen des Altertums (Leipzig-Berlin, 1913) 456 with note 9.
(6) Appian De bel. civ. 3.44; 4.7ff and, in general, the comments of C. G. Starr, Civilization and the Caesars (Cornell 1954) 64, 73.
(7) The standard work on delation remains G. Boissière, L'accusation publique et les délateurs chez les romains (Niort: 1911). The contributions of R. S. Rogers, including Criminal Trials and Criminal Legislation under Tiberius (Philological monographs n. 6, 1935) are essential.
(8) See for example Tac. Ann. 1.6.1, 3; 11.37.4; 15. 60.3; Hist. 1.85 and the comments of Starr, 159.
(9) As, for example, Narcissus in Dio 60.15.5f ; Tac Hist. 2.65; Plut. Galba 19.1.
(10) In general, see my forthcoming article, "The origins of the frumentarii", Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 27 (1961), from which many of the following arguments are drawn. I believe that there are no reasons to link the frumentarii with the creation of the imperial praetorium by Augustus or with the arrest and detention of St. Paul during Nero's reign.
(11) For the basic literature on the frumentarii, see Fiebiger, RE 7 (1910), 122-125; Vaglieri, DizEp 3 (1922) 221-224; and P.K. Baillie Reynolds, "The Troops Quartered in the Castra Peregrinorum", JRS 13 (1823) 168-189.
(12) See Baillie Reynolds ibid. and A. M. Colini, Storia e topografia del Celio nell'antichità (Atti Pont. Serie 3,Mem., 7,1944) 240-245. Professor Richard Krautheirmer and Mr. G.U.S. Corbett of the American Academy in Rome believe that the Severan wall recently revealed immediately beneath the floor in the middle of S. Stefano Rotondo belongs to the "castra peregrinorum".
(13) On the frumentarii within the chain of command of the praetorian prefecture see S. J. de Laet "Les pouvoirs militaires des préfets du pretoire et leur développement progressif", RB Phil 25 (1946-47) 533-536 and Durry RE 22 (1954) 2410.
(14) This is essentially the view of A. von Domaszewski, Die Rangordnung des romischen Heeres (Bonn 1908) 35.
(15) See E. Birley, "The origins of legionary centurions" Roman Britain and the Roman Army (1953) 104-124, who explodes another similar tenet of Domaszewski on the allegedly Italian nature of the centurionate before Severus. See CIL 3.1980 and AE 1940 84 = Epigraphica 1 (1938-39) 145.4 for the pre-Severan frumentarii from the eastern provinces of the Empire.
(16) See in general G. Forni, Il reclutamento delle legioni da Augusto a Diocleziano (Rome 1953) chap.7. For examples of frumentarii recruited locally: CIL 2.4154, 6088; 6.3346- Dessau 2365; 6.3333, 3336, 3351 -Dessau 2366, 3353, 3332 - Dessau 2367; 13.8040.
(17) CIL 63351; 13.6682, see M. Bang "Die Germanen im romischen Dienst" (Berlin 1906) 82.
(18) Dacia 3-4, 549. 3 AE 1933, 248.
(19) See Forni ibid. 45f.
(20) See the evidence collected by von Domaszewski, ibid. 34f.
(21) CIL 63351; 136682, with the comments of Bang, ibid. 82 CIL 3.2063, Dessau 2370, possibly CIL 6.36776, differently restored in Dessau 9080.
(22) See Birley, ibid. 121ff.
(23) Pflaum "Procurator" RE 23 (1957) 1273, and his "Les procurateurs équestres sous le haut-empire romain" (Paris 1950). 98. 187f.261.
(24) Dio 78.14.1.4; 15.1.
(25) Ibid.
(26) See Domaszewski ibid. 34f. with the comment of E. Ritterling "Ein Amtsabzeichen der beneficiarii consularis im Museum zu Wiesbaden". BonnJbb 125 (1919) 25, note 3.
(27) On the size of the legionary officia, see Ritterling, ibid. 25f and E. Stein, Die Kaiserlichen Beamten und Truppenkorper im romischen Deutschland unter dem Prinzipat (Wien 1932) 75-78. About 96 men can be accounted for in an officium composed of about 100 soldiers detached from one legion. In an officium numbering about 200 men drawn from a garrison of two legions, at least 181 positions can be identified.
(28) This estimate compares with Baillie Reynolds' maximum of about 300-400 troops of all kinds in the castra peregrinorum, ibid. 177, and that of Paribeni "Dei milites frumentarii e dell'approvigionamento della corte imperiale" RM 20 (1905), who speaks of "qualche centinaio" of frumentarii.
(29) Nicely stated by E. Sander "Das Recht de Romischen Soldaten", RhM 101, (1958) 221.
(30) The emperor Macrinus, fleeing the crucial battle lost to the Severans in A.D.218, disguised himself as a frumentarius and was given unquestioned use of the postal facilities in his attempt at making a getaway. See Dio 78.39.2.3 and Herodian 5.4.7-8.
(31) See E. Stein, Histoire du Bas-empire (2nd ed. Paris 1959) 45, with the literature cited in note 130; see also p. 114, de Laet , ibid. 550.
(32) CIL 14.7 ; 14.125 Dessau 2223. Jacopi in Giornale d'Italia (August 5/6 1959) 3 has published an interesting inscription discovered during work on Rome's new international airport at Fiumicino. It shows that in A.D. 210 a centurio frumentarius at Portus supervised the excavation of sand for use as ballast on ships. See also the comments of R. Meiggs, Roman Ostia (Oxford 1960) 320f, for a recent disucssion of frumentarii as part of the imperial administration of the port. On the evidence linking frumentarii with the Appian Way and the importation of grain from Puteoli, see Rostovtzeff "Frumentum", RE 7 (1910) 181.
(33) See Tertullian, De fuga in pers. 13.3, who says that curiosi e beneficiarii kept lists of Chistians subject to the vectigal levied on degrading professions. Unlike G. Lopuszanski "La police romaine et les chrétiens", AntCl 20 (1951) 8-12, I think that these curiosi were, in fact, frumentarii. Tertullian had a definite class of officials in mind, and frumentarii were closely associated with beneficiarii during the Principate. The successors to the frumentarii, the agentes in rebus, were officially called curiosi by A.D. 355. See Cod. Theod. 6.29 1 (Agentes in rebus) quos curagendarios sive curiosos provincialium consuetudo appellat... There is no direct evidence that frumentarii enforced collection of portoria, yet in some capacity they often left evidence at or near sites where such dues were collected. At Sirmium CIL 3.3241 (De Laet, Portorium 222f.); Almus (Lom) 3.7420 (De Laet 197); Pons Aeni 3.5579 (De Laet 220) ; etc. The agentes in rebus, like curiosi litorum, seem to have been so employed. Cod. Theod. 6.29.8, 10, 12; see also Stein, Histoire due bas-empire 2 (1949) 102, 213ff.
(34) See J.Keil e A. vom Premerstein "Bericht uber eine dritte Reise in Lydien" DenkschrWien (phil.hist.Klasse) 57 (1914) 1. Anhang Nos.9 , 28, 55. On kollectiones in general see more recently L. Robert "Sur un papirus de Bruxelles" RevPh69 (1943) 111-119.
(35) SHA vita Hadr. 11.4.6.
(36) On the centurio frumentarius Aquilius Felix, notus caedibus senatoriis, see SHA vita Jul. 5.8, CIL 10.6657, and Baille Reynolds, ibid. 180. See also SHA vita Alb. 8.1f, which probably refers to frumentarii; vita Claud. 17.1 On their use against Christians see Eusebius Ecc. Hist. 6.49 and Cyprian Ep. 81.
(37) Their headquarters on the Caelian was across the street from a station of the vigiles. See Colini, ibid. CIL 6.3052, a graffito scratched by a frumentarius on the wall of another such station in the city. CIL 6.1063. Dessau 2178 shows centuriones frumentarii integrated in the chain of command under the praefectus vigilum.
(38) SHA vita Jul.5.8, vita Commod. 4.5; vita Alb.8.1f.
(39) See above, note 33.
(40) On the use of plain-clothes men, see Starr, ibid. 59, and Tac. Hist. 1.85. The classic example of the use of agents provocateurs is given by Epictetus Diss. 14.3.5, on whom see Starr ibid.141. Epictetus may well have had frumentarii in mind. I doubt very much whether the soldiers serving in civilian dress mentioned in P. Lat. Gen. 1 and Pliny Ep.7.25 are secret service agents in plain clothes. See Blumner "Aus den Akten eines Romischen Militararchius in Aegypten" Njbb 5 (1900) 432-443, and Gilliam "Paganus" in BGU 696; AJP 73 (1952) 76f.
(41) See Ritterling, ibid. 23,28,33. And A. Alfoldi "Hasta summa imperii" AJA 63 (1959) 11, and his "Vom Speerattribut der Altromischen Konige zu den Benefiziarierlanzen", Limes Studien (Basel 1959) 9.
(42) CIL 11.1322 = Dessau 2371; AE 1936, 61.
(43) CIL 3.433.
(44) Dessau 9473 = Dittenberger SIG 2, 830 p.545, CIL 3.1980, Dessau 2287
(45) CIL 6.1063 = Dessau 2178; perhaps also Pap. Fuad 14, on which see L. Casson "Thuroin: a note on P. Fuad Univ. 14"; TAPA (1949) 425, and most recently A. E. R. Boak and H. C. Youtie, The Archive of Aurelius Isidorus (Ann Arbor 1960) 401, note to lines 1-2.
(46) For a survey of the various uses of the military in administration, see H.Zwicky, Zur Verwendung des Militars in der Verwanltung der romischen Kaiserzeit (Zurich 1944).
(47) See above note 34. W. H. Friend "A third century inscription relating to angareia in Phrygia, JRS (46) (1956) 52f, shows that relations between military officials and the civilian population could still be friendly in the early third century.
(48) CIG2802 = Dessau 9474 with the comments of Rostovtzeff, Social and economic history of the Roman Empire, 2nd ed. (Oxford 1957) 709, note 7, and E. Sander: "Zur Rangordnung des romischen Heeres: die gradus ex caliga". Historia 3 (1954-55) 99.
(49) Sextus Aurelius Victor Lib. de Caes 39.44f.
(50) Ibid. Hieron, In Abdiam 1; Lydus De mens I.26. De mag. 3.7.
(51) See most recently W. Ensslin "Valerius Diocletianus" RE 7A (1948) 2455, with the cited literature, overlooked by Palanque in his edition of E. Stein, Histoire du bas-empire 1 (1959) 471, note 91.
(52) In general, see A.E.R. Boak "The master of the Offices in the later Roman and Byzantine Empires" (New York 1924).
(53) W. Sinnigen "Two branches of the Late Roman Secret Service". AJP 80 (1959) (Cod. Just. 12.20.3).
(54) In A.D.430 there were 1174 agentes (Cod. Theod. 6.27.23) under Leo, 1248 (Cod. Just.12.20.3).
(55) To Sinningen, ibid. 239ff with the cited literature, add Holmberg, ibid. 119-126.
(56) Under the Ostrogoths they were known generally as comitiaci and worked with saiones, corresponding Germanic officials. See Stein. Histoire 2. 122f.
(57) In the early Byzantine Empire the agentes in rebus were called magistriani because of their affiliation with the Master of the Offices. The latest such officials I am able to trace occur during the first reign of Junstinian II, A.D. 685-695 (Theophanes Chron. 737) and in two papyri from Arabic Egypt probably datable shortly after A.D. 700 Greek papyri in the British Museum 1404 and 1457). In the early eighth century the Master of the Offices, and presumably his magistriani were abolished and replaced by a new organization under the Logothete of the Drome. See J.B. Bury, Imperial Administrative System in the ninth century (London 1911) 91ff.

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