Africa and the challenges to the security The action of the International Community - GNOSIS

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GNOSIS 2/2008

Africa and the challenges to the security
The action of the International Community

Mario Rino ME

The boundless African Continent is analyzed by the author, a keen expert of this reality, in all its many and complicated aspects, both internal and international. From this analysis emerges a world as ancient as it is complex and troubled – ready, however, to pick up the new and unpredictable future challenges.

Google Earth

The mass media of the era of the so-called “new technology of information and communication” depicts Africa, for the most part, with images of atrocities and adversities of every kind (poverty, famine, epidemics etc.,) which have given rise to the appellative, the hopeless continent. This also in relation to the perpetual fragility of the situation which, after the corrective interventions, has never offered guarantees of reversal of a definitive tendency. For example, in the case of the conflicts which have bathed the Continent in blood, it has been seen that the mitigated ones tend to re-present themselves in the original breeding ground or elsewhere. In very recent times, however, also elements of progress are coming to the foreground.
In the present strategic context, Africa appears, therefore, in chiaroscuro: successes, not always lasting, alternate, sometimes, with profound crises, but notwithstanding this, the Continent has started on its path: it requires stability and security to release its enormous potential, one of which is its important role in the “geography of resources” (one of the strong points of this Continent). In extreme synthesis, it has serious, but not insurmountable problems. Europe, perhaps due to historic vicissitudes, perhaps because of the geographic connections of the Mediterranean interface has, for a very long time, been tied to the affairs of the “neighbours next door” (1) . It will be progressively more so: since globalization, in line with the “watchword of inter-dependence” (2) has interwoven our destinies and the small comfort seen in the scenarios, present and future, of the Continent portend frequent interventions. Interventions, as we shall see in the following, under the aegis of the so-called International Community, and not intervention of meddling. But then, the President of the French Republic, N. Sarkozy, has recently declared that the South is the future of Europe (3).
In the security dimension then, in line with the culture of the audiatur altera pars, the African perceptions are held in the debit account. They result in synchrony with the present current of thought, according to which the static notion of security, hinged on spatial-military terms of the State (State-centric), must develop to consider the dynamics centred on the social (socio-centric). Even though in the present phase of debate on the definition of the term ‘ human security’, a general convergence is registered on the necessity of agreeing upon the rights of the individual, of the community, and of the States. The concept, one knows, is strictly tied to development, so much that the experts speak of ‘securisation of development, in the sense that ... “insecurity and under-development create the conditions for wars and conflict. Therefore, development must be treated as an issue of security” (4) .

Salient aspects

Unlike other Continents, the African political geography has suffered “in generally negative terms from its colonial past” (5) . At a State structure level, Dan Henk (6) describes the situation in this way: “On the one hand, the regimes have had to face the fact that the ‹major threat› [to their existence] came from within [and often was] of a non-military nature” (7) … “this has led to the installation of compulsory agencies to silence the internal opposition. On the other hand, the inherited or instituted ex novo military systems were not subjected to political control, with the consequent result of creating a monopoly of violence by the military against its own fellow citizens, or of an oppressive regime attached to its power” (8) .
From the geo-political point of view, two types of States are considered in Africa:
a) those for which one can speak of the one-to-one correspondence State-Nation, and
b) those that do not enter into this category (9).
The Northern African States (Maghreb and Egypt) belong to the first category, the frontiers of which are antecedent to the colonization. Except Ethiopia, considered an intermediate case, the rest, or rather, the majority is still seen by many analysts as constituted by “not-yet-Nation-States” (10). Here, the confines were not defined by processes of a controversial nature between the parties involved; but rather they are the result of the sharing out by colonial powers, defined in the Congress of Berlin of 1885, and in successive summit meetings at the end of the two World Wars of the 20th Century and of the post colonial period. And it is precisely this botched definition of the frontiers, and consequent porosity that is the cause of many problems.
Premised the difficulty of generalizing the “African situation”, the Continent shows a complex geo-political reality, which emerges, in particular, from:
· presence of 53 States, which, in view of an overall population of circa 850 million, determines a sort of “Balkanization” (11) ;
· notable and diffused ethnic-social, economic and political contrast;
· abundance of resources against which is contrasted a general state of poverty of the populations (approximately 750 million survive on less than a dollar a day);
· scant weight on the world-wide scene (circa 12.7% and 2% of the population and of the world commerce, respectively).
In the historic Millennium Summit of the UNO of September, 2000, the International Community advanced ambitious targets for development to be reached within 2015, b. the activities of the Militias in the Niger Delta (81) give rise to great uncertainty. Many European Nations (among which is Italy) have interests in this area; in confirmation of the growing importance of the area and in the current patterns of diversification/approach to the sources, the USA forecasts indicate that within 2015, West Africa will provide 25% of their (USA) energy supplies (82) . It is recognized, by now, that the governance of the maritime spaces requires a context of multilateral collaboration for the trans-national character of the risks and threats and a multidisciplinary nature for the conglomerate and inter-dependence of the factors at stake. This because in the contemporary maritime environment and, in particular, in the actions of opposition to the new threats (83), an overlapping between defence and security is determined. By definition, the maritime security is based on the coordination of the activities at sea and on the exchange of the information about the situation. In the multilateral and multidisciplinary context mentioned above, it prefigures as a common base of understanding for the coordination of the various operative activities at a national and international level (unified actions) (84) and for the connection to the International Organizations (UNO, AU, EU, NATO, the International Maritime Organization [IMO] etc.). The safety and security grid that derives from these interconnections, finds in the maritime surveillance, the operative solution to the needs of the everyday security of the States and populations.
In line with the present trends intended to contribute to the development of local competence in the opposition to threats, it is felt more and more, on the operative level, the need to furnish the local forces with those supports that they do not have, especially on the sea and in the air, as well as common operative standards and capacity of command and control. At the present, the deficit of security of the maritime junctions could be made up by participation in the strategic posture, national and international of monitoring and containment, in the ambit of a kind of trans-national naval consortium (85) , adapted to the present times for the containment of the threats to the global free trade and to the development.

Conclusive observations

From a geo-political viewpoint, the African Continent presents regimes, social profiles, historic experiences, and many different cultural, religious, economic and geographical contexts. Furthermore, areas of insecurity co-exist with centres of stability.
In a global context in continual change, the Africa of today continues to “have need of realism more than idealism (86). This means translating into coherent strategies and, above all, into concrete facts the many declarations of intentions formulated by leaders and International Organizations (87) of the world scene.
The democratic processes – after the drive of the 90’s and the successive lull – begin to spread at the beginning of the new century; the path that has been undertaken leads to the observation that “without doubt, the Continent is not that which was known before and never will be the same” (88) . The Continent still needs “local leaderships with capacity of political vision and practical sense; it is this the principal attribute that has distinguished the performer States from the rest” (89) . In the chiaroscuro of the African proscenium, not everything is to be taken for granted: at times the progress is so fragile and short-lived and requires, on the one side, continuity of local leadership and, on the other side, outside support. In addition, in the security dimension, sometimes the successes remain overshadowed by the rekindling of hotbeds which, while quenched in one part, tend to re-ignite in another. The African Continent continues to draw the attention of the International Community for its misfortunes, for the brutality and weight of the conflicts which have ravaged it, and for the number, still very considerable, of breeding grounds of crises yet to be resolved.
But the attention is also interest in its enormous basin of reso

(1) "Voisin de Palier" A term in inverted commas taken from J. Bonningues, "Une Spirale vertueuse pour l’Afrique’",Défence Nationale" January, 2007, pg. 10.
(2) Kenneth N. Waltz "Theory of International Politics", McGraw-Hill, Boston, 1978, pg. 139.
(3) See speech held at Tangiers, 23rd October, 2007, in occasion of the state visit to Morocco.
(4) Luk Van Langenhove, Director of the United Nations University - Comparative Regional Integration Studies UNU-CRIS), Occasional Papers O-2004/8, "The Problem of Human Security in Africa", "Regionalising Human Security in Africa", March, 2004. Pg.3.
(5) George Klay Kieh, "Democratisation and Peace in Africa" on "Democracy and Democratisation in Africa, Towards the 21st Century", compiled by E. Udogu, New York, E.J. Brill, 1997, pg. 103-105.
(6) "Security: A new African Paradigm. Occasional Paper No. 1.of the Centre for Defence Studies, University of Zimbabwe (2001).
(7) Sunday Obogonye Ochoche, "The Military and the National Security in Africa. Pg. 114.
(8)Samuel Dacalo "Civil-Military Relations in Africa", Florida Academic Press, Gainesville, FL.1998, pgs. 3-16.
(9) "Dictionnaire de Geopolitique" sous la direction de Yves Lacoste and Flammarion, Paris, 1995, pgs. 60-61.
(10) Ibid.
(11) "Dictionnaire de Geopolitique", sous la direction de Yves LaCoste and Flammarian, Paris, 1995, Pg. 57.
(12) The 8 Millennium Goals approved by the General Assembly concerned: the eradication of extreme poverty and hunger, attainment of universal primary education, promoting equality between the sexes, reduction of infant mortality, health improvement, fight against HV/AIDS, environmental sustainability, the starting up of global partnership for development. They are also quantized in terms of targets.
(13) The Kingdom of Morocco is the only Country that has not adhered to the Union, due to divergences on the Western Sahara. It is a delicate theme for Morocco, as it considers the present state of affairs as an amputation of its territory.
(14) A very ambitious economic plan adopted in 2001, by the then Organization of African Unity (OAU) as a fusion of various plans, among which, the Millennium African Plan. It is based on the adherence to the rules of wise government, with mechanisms of the peer review kind. Herbst Jeffrey and Greg Mills, "The Future of Africa: A New Order in Sight" Aldephi Papers 361 (2003). They hold it instrumental in the improvement of conditions for peace and security. Pgs. 21-27, and 70-76.
(15) Adopted by the Council of the UE following the EU-AU meeting of 15th to 16th December, 2005, Press Release 367, 19th Dec. 2005.
(16) Leslie Crawford and Chris Giles, Financial Times, "World News: the IMF plans on giving Africa a bigger voice" of the 24.6.06.
(17) In the English terminology, they are called the Arab Maghreb Union (AMU), Southern African Development Community (SADC), Intergovernmental Authority for Development (IGAD), Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS)
(18) Work already cited. Luk Van Langenhove, Regional Integration and Human Security, Regionalizing Human Security in Africa, pgs. 7-13.
(19) See ECOWAS role in occasion of the assumption of unconstitutional power in Toga by Farure Gnassingbe Eyadema in February-April, 2005, and ECOWAS mediation during the Ivory Coast crisis, September, 2002 and March, 2007
(20) See Claude Ake "Rethinking African Democracy", "The Global Resurgence of Democracy", 2nd edition, compiled by Larry Diamond and Mark F. Plattner, Baltimore MD. The John Hopkins University Press, 1996, pgs. 63-75.
(21) Ref: Julius O. Ihonvbere "A Blank Sheet of Africa’s Transition to Democratic Governance", "The Transition to Democratic Governance in Africa: The Continuing Struggle" by J.M. Mbaku and Julius O. Ihonvbere, Westport TC. Praeger, 2003, pg. 33-55.
(22) E. Gyimach-Boady, "Africa: The Quality of Political Reforms", Democrat Reform in Africa: The Continuing Struggle. Editor. E. Gyimah-Boadi & Lynne Reinner Publishers, Boulder Co, 2004, pg. 5-27.
(23) Terms utilized by Yves LaCoste in the cited "Dictionnaire de Geopolitique" under entries "White Africa, Black Africa", "Arab Africa and Non-Arab Africa", pg. 59.
(24) According to many places, "40% of liquid money is in the pockets of the managing classes" -something starts to move also in this sector; a campaign launched by the civil society "Publish what you Pay" organized by an ONG, aims to force the Petroleum and Mineral Societies to declare the sums paid out to the States concerned.
(25) Graham Bowley "Mugabe casts Zimbabwe crisis as a fight against colonization". New York Times, April 8th, 2008.
(26) The internal war of more than 10 years duration has involved in its ‘spill-over’ nine neighbouring Nations
(27) Renowned Economist is now the first woman President of the Continent
(28) For the Seg. Gen. High Representative X. SOLANA, La Repubblica, 21.03.08 "Africa is the most exposed Continent to the climate changes, due to the numerous tensions and the scarce capacity of adaptability".
(29) Federico Rampini, "HUNGER because the nightmare is growing". La Repubblica, 27.05.08.
(30) Elizabeth Rosenthal & Andrei Martin "UN says solving food crisis could cost 30 billion dollars" International Herald Tribune, 4.6.2008. Among the various proposals aimed at overcoming the paradox "hunger is for who is without buying power waste to the opposite" recalls the Italian original "last minute market" aimed at redistributing goods which are in the withdrawal phase of the distributive cycle, i.e. goods that are nearing expiry date or are rejects of the quality control cycles.
(31) See Report "commission for Africa: Our Common Interest" Robert Geldolf, reporter of the Commission (comprised of 17 members, leading figures among which, politicians, scientists, public officials, entertainment artists, nominated by the former Prime Minister, Tony Blair, in spring of 2004, to formulate proposals for the G8 at Gleneagles, 2005, who affirmed that "if our plan is adopted this should be the decade when Africa’s fortune turns"). The Commission recognized that the living conditions of the majority of the population of the Continent are intolerable and an offence to mankind. See web sites www.commissionforafrica.org and http://cgi.ebay.co.uk/Africa-Commission-for-Africa-An-Argument-gEldolf_woaq.
(32) 100 billion debts cancelled, 50 elections in 5 years, 6 wars terminated, more than 46,000 AIDS cases cured. Corriere della Sera, 28th January, 2007, pg.3.
(33) Eugenio Occorsio "Factories, Roads, Petroleum: the African spring", La Repubblica, 17th December, 2007.
(34) Ibid.
(35) Ibid. In reference to this: the European Union and the World Bank are financing the North-South corridor between Cairo and Gabon (Botswana)
(36) The military help in the past has, sometimes, proved to be contra-productive, insofar as utilized to support and reinforce the governing authorities.
(37) Ref: Bruce Hoffman "Does our Counter-terrorism Strategy Match the Threat?" Reporter at the House International Relations Committee, Sub-Committee on International Terrorism and non-Proliferation, on 29th Sept. 2005.pub. Rand Corporation, Santa Monica CA. 2005, pgs. 2-21.
(38) According to the estimates of the "Population" Division of the UNO Headquarters of New York, the size of the phenomenon is in the order of 400,000 people. The illegal immigration in the Mediterranean is in the order of 100,000. (Source, "Strategic Survey, the Annual Review of World Affairs, 2007" IISS Rutledge, London, pg. 276.
(39) The general tendency of the refugees to consolidate their permanence in the reception camps has been noted.
(40) See also author pamphlet "I Conflitti Moderni", attached to the Marittime Revista, December, 2007.
(41) Carlene J. Edie "State Responses to the Challenges of the 1990’s: Protracted Wars, Fragmentation, Disintegration and State Collapse" "Politics in Africa: A New Beginning?" Ed. Thomson Learning, Belmont CA. 2003. Pg. 141-158.
(42) Jeffrey Herbst and Gregg Mills, "Assessing Africa’s Insecurities" "The Future of Africa: A New Order in Sight?" Adelphi Papers, 2003, pgs. 21-27.
(43) "Exceptionally Anarchic Zones. Al Qaeda has exploited the Region (Central and West Africa. Editor's note) to protect and expand their finance, rather than foment terrorism" Ref: Princeton N. Liman and Stephen Morrison, "The Terrorist Threat in Africa", Foreign Affairs. Vol. 83, No.1. (Jan & Feb, 2004), gs. 75-86. See also Michael Sheue "Al Qaeda’s Next Generation: Less visible. More Lethal". Terrorism Focus, Vol.2. No. 18, Oct. 2005. http://jamestown.org/terrorism/news/article.
(44) J.Bonningues. "Une Spirale vertueuse pour L’Afrique?", in Défense National, Paris, January, 2007
(45) J. Bonningues: "Une Spirale Vertueues Pour L’Afrique?". Défense Nationale, Jan. 2007. pg.11.
(46) "The Militarization of Politics". See Eboe Hutchful, "Demilitarizing the Political Process in Africa: Some Basic Issues”, African Security Review. A working paper series, Vol. 6. No.2. 1997. ISSN. No. 1024-6029.
(47) They consider themselves "without muscles" (emasculated).
(48) Ref: S.P. Huntingdon, "Power Professionalism and Ideology: Civil-military Relations in Theory" in: The Soldier and the State. The Theory and Politics of Civil-Military Relations. Cambridge (MA) the Belnap Press of Harvard University Press. 1957, pg. 96.
(49) In Chad, when the rebels threatened the Capital, the Chad Government provided to increase the salaries.
(50) Ref. A. Ebo: "Towards a Code of Conduct for the Armed and Security Forces in Africa: Opportunities and Challenges” Genevre Centre for Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF). Policy Paper, Genevre, March 2005.. The works of the experts – Workshop of Sao Tomé of 27th-29th May, 2002, were published on the web site. www.unrec.org/eng/workshop.htm.
(51) "Key Principles of Democratic Governance in the Security Sector". "Security Sector Governance in Africa: A Handbook" (by Nicole Ball – Kyedode Fayemi – Fumni, Olonisakin – Rocklyn Williams) ed. Nicole Ball and J. Kyedode Fayemi, 2004.
(52) On the round, disposes of pre-aligned forces in 5 poles, (Dakar, Libreville, Abidjan, Djibouti, N’djamena) supported by the permanent naval presence in the Gulf of Guinea (Operation Corymbs) and the naval forces in the Indian Ocean (La Reunion). All the Continental missions refer to the 5 poles, ensuring high operative readiness.
(53) Some Nations are beginning to complain about their ‘vertustà ‘ scarce efficiency.
(54) This, inasmuch as the good bilateral relations have not produced the awaited benefits, and it is for this that Paris has begun to push towards a Europeanization of the problem, offering in the meantime, a reception compatible with the potentiality guaranteed by the development in concert with the EU.
(55) Various sources in the matter recognize that Africa has become one of the ‘principal ‘suppliers of energy products (circa 1/3 of the import) and of natural resources, raw materials from base minerals to lumber and cotton. In their turn the Chinese Companies invest in the energy sectors, telecommunications and construction.
(56) Controversies and ill-humour has arisen for r resorting to Chinese manpower, rather than local, in the textile and mining sectors. Ref: "Assisting Africa: the G8 and China’s evolving role". Strategic Survey, 2007. Annual Review of World Affairs. IISS Routledge, London, Sept. 2007. Pg. 281.
(57) Francoise Lafargue "L’Inde: Une Piussance Africane”. Defénce National, Jan. 2007. On the basis of data from the Ministry of Indian Commerce, the commercial exchanges with Sub-Saharan Africa have past from 3, 3 Mil dollars of 2002 to 7, 3 Mil dollars in 2004.
(58) At the termination of the works, it was established that the 2nd Summit will take place in Venezuela, in 2009, and the 3rd Summit in Libya.
(59) In the US Command structure, the Central Command (Cent COM) has the responsibility of the military operations in the near and Middle East and in Central Asia.
(60) Many important exponents have confided their non-acceptance to the approach of "tarring everyone with t he same brush" The Maghrebin area claims its own specificity, represented by the National identities and the Mediterranean connotation.
(61) See X. SOLANA "If the World Order is Threatened by the Climate?"La Repubblica, 21.03.08. "...it is up to Europe to be the guide in the international response".
(62) On the background of a great multilateralism in the prevention and management of the crises and of a consensual logic to the action, is defined, among other things, a hierarchy of the threats and risks (terrorism, arms of mass destruction, regional conflicts, States in dissolution, organized crime) not unlike that indicated in the ESS.
(63) In occasion of the European Council of the 16th December, 2005, the EU has provided itself with a "Strategy for Africa: towards a European-African pact to accelerate the development of Africa". Policy Document (No. l596l/05) of ample significance and conceptual frames of European action in support of the peace and development of the African Continent. Such a strategy provides for an ever increasing and extended collaboration between the EU and the regional and sub-regional African institutions, which through an integrated approach to the questions relative to peace and security, human rights, wise governance, regional integration and development will lead to the achievement, in the medium term, of the Millennium Developments Goals (MDGs). docs
(64) The concept, elaborated in the Secretariat General ambit of the Council,http://www.consilium.europa.eu/euDocs/cms_data/docs/PressData/fr/gena/91620.pdf
(65) For example, one includes the already cited French programme RECAMP of assistance to the ex-colonies.
(66) They contemplate, among other things:

* the promotion of peace, security, development, human rights and regional and continental integration in Africa;
* the strengthening of the mutual EU-African participation and its extension to questions of common interest;
* joint management of the global challenges.

(67) International Herald Tribune, 2nd-3rd June, 2007.
(68) The Article 5.2 of the Protocol reads "aimed at putting into act a rapid and efficient reaction to the conflict and crisis situations in Africa.
(69) For the first 5 mission the deployment is foreseen within 30 days from the adoption of the resolution. It is reduced to 14 days for the 6th.
(70) The additional component is centralized at the AU.
(71) The first 4 (advise military of mission policies, autonomous missions in support, force of interposition for Section 6, UNO Charter) can be carried out by a single brigade; the 5th and 6th missions, Peace-keeping force for complex multi-dimensional mission, emergency interventions, for example, genocide). Certainly the most demanding missions require an involvement at a continental level.
(72) Ref: also "Assisting Africa", Strategic Survey, The Annual Review of World Affairs, 2007, IISS Routledge, London. Pgs. 278-282.
(73) Reserved source of the UNO with headquarters at New York, which has requested anonymity.
(74) Source: General Staff of the Italian Defence, 2008
(75) President Chirac in his speech to the Strategic Forces of 19th January, 2007, emphasized that “The perception of the interests develops hand in hand with the world growth. The guarantee of the strategic provisions or the defence of the allied Countries are interests which must be protected".
(76) Term used by A.T. Mahan, "The Influence of Sea Power on History", Chapter 1, "Discussion on the Elements of Sea Power. Ed. Sampson Low, London, 1889, Pg. 32.
(77) Ref: Speech of the Head of the General Staff of Defence, General Vincenzo Camporini, in the presence of the President of the Republic, in occasion of the Celebration of the Marina, Venice, 10.6.2008
(78) Pietro Silva: "The Mediterranean: From the Unification of Rome to the Italian Empire. Institute
for the Studies of International Politics, Milan, 9th December, 1937.

(79) Collin S. Gray and Geoffrey Sloan (compiled by)"GEOPOLITICS, Geography and Strategy". Gearoid O Tuathail, "Understanding Critical Geopolitics; Geopolitics and Risk Society, Frank Kass, London, 1999, Pg. 119.
(80) In the first years of the 90’s, the Eritrea-Yemen dispute for the possession of certain islands of the Archipelago of the Hanish Islands (South Red Sea caused a military confrontation between the two Nations. The question was resolved by the mediation of the French. Previously, the possession of the Archipelago causes contention between Italy and the United Kingdom, so much so that it was "deliberately"omitted from the Treaty of Losanna, 1923).
(81) In this regard, we notice that “in the attacks to the Government Forces and to the Petroleum installations, the Militia of the Movement for Emancipation of the Niger Delta, show to possess always more sophisticated arms and tactics"and that “tens of thousands of barrels spilled out illegally on a daily base from the distribution network". “Nigeria’s Failed Test". Strategy Survey, the Annual Review of World Affairs, 2007 IISS. Routledge, London, Pg. 270.
(82) Princeton N. Lyman and J. Stephen Morrison, "The Terrorist Threat in Africa"Foreign Affair, New York, January-February, 2004
(83) Terrorism, traffic of materials utilizable as weapons of mass effect, drugs, human beings, piracy. Regarding piracy, the recent Resolution "1816"of the UNO Security Council, authorizing the States which cooperate with the Somali Transition Government, to penetrate into its territorial waters, under Chapter 7. was seen as "a form of first interference in the matter". Le Monde, 5.6.08. www.lemonde.fr.
(84) For example, in the framework of bi/multi-lateral cooperation
(85) Colin S. Gray and Geoffrey Sloan (compiled by) GEOPOLITICS, "Geography and Strategy". Jon Sumida, "Alfred Thayer Mahan, Geopolitician". Frank Kass, London, 1999, Pg. 59.
(86) Herbst Jeffrey and Gregg Mills, "The Future of Africa: A new Order in Sight"Adelphi Papers, 361, 2003. Pg. 75.
(87) The same "European Security Strategy"promoted by the Seg. Gen /High Representative X. Solana, is to be considered, on a technical level, as a document of orientation, a middle-way between "political vision" and ‘policy? Lineaments, insofar as, as a strategy, having to resolve the equation means-ends-modality, it should indicate the priorities.
(88) Jhonvbere, Julius O. (compiled by J.M Mbaku, "A Balance Sheet of Africa’s Transition to Democratic Governance", "The Transition to Democratic Governance in Africa: The Continuous Struggle. Ed. Greenwood Group Inc. Weasport, CT, 2003, Pg. 51.
(89) Herbst Jeffrey and Gregg Mills, "The Future of Africa: A New Order in Sight", Adelphi Papers, 361, 2003, pgs- 75-76. The authors make explicit reference to personages of great stature of the old generation, such as Sir Seretsi Khama of Botswana and, naturally, Nelson Mandela; today, after the change of regime, one can also number Ellen Johnson Shirleaf of Liberia. Among the leaders of the new generations are cited John Kufour of Ghana, and Joachim Chissano of Mozambique.